Manon is a member of the War Studies Department at Kingâs College, London. She wrote this piece as part of her internship with Arts4Refugees. Her motivation was to help her peer group understand the unique experiences of post-conflict communities. This article was edited by Cassia Jefferson, a fellow student journalist from Oxford University. She also interviewed Manon for the podcast as well.Â
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Post-Conflict Struggles and Integration Challenges: Exploring the Burden and Experiences of Harkis after the Algerian War in France
Historical ContextÂ
The Harkis were Algerians who fought alongside the French during the Algerian War of Independence. They faced significant challenges after their nation gained independence in 1962.Â
The term "Harki" is derived from the Arabic word "Harka," meaning movement. It refers not only to the original approximately 200,000 Algerian Arab and Berber Muslims who supported the French Army during the war for independence (1954-1962), but also includes their families and descendants. During the war and its immediate aftermath, they were often referred to as French-Muslims, which allowed the issue of conflict with the colony to be sidestepped.
After the 1962 independence, a staggering number of 150,000 Harkis met a tragic fate. France was already grappling with the arduous task of resettling French citizens residing in Algeria, known as pied-noirs. The nation placed greater emphasis on their relocation, considering them a higher priority than Algerian Muslims.
However, between 1962 and 1967, 25,000 Harkis managed to enter France with assistance from the French government, while an additional 68,000 found their way through unofficial channels. Unfortunately, accommodation structures targeting the Harkis were poorly coordinated and many were sent to existing camps that had previously served as transit points for Jews during World War II.
These incidents remained undisclosed to the French public following the independence of Algeria and were deliberately concealed to the greatest extent possible, as they had the potential to tarnish President Charles de Gaulleâs reputation as a successful anti-colonialist. Despite this, the French government did display a generally unsympathetic attitude. De Gaulle himself regarded the Harkis as a burden to the government.
When the Harkis first started seeking refuge in France before the government had established proper immigration procedures, they were frequently repatriated to Algeria. Upon returning, they faced a high risk of death as they were viewed as traitors to the Algerian cause. The Harkis faced an impossible situation: deemed too Algerian to be considered truly French yet disloyal by the Algerians, their identity and status was deeply complex and contradictory.
Navigating the Challenges of Integration: The Harkis' Struggle for Inclusion
The Harkis who came to France, whether officially repatriated or through unofficial means, encountered diverse circumstances. While some quickly scattered throughout the country without engaging with the institutions established by the French government, others were moved into camps. The particular methods of repatriation and resettlement played a crucial role in shaping the destiny of each family, leading to a profoundly heterogeneous situation. This article will now discuss the Harkis who chose to stay in camps.
Upon arrival, the Harkis and their families were given the administrative designation of "Muslim French Repatriates" (MFR). This term officially encompasses "individuals of Arab or Berber descent who demonstrated a pro-French stance during the Algerian War and were compelled to leave the country upon its independence." The purpose of this label is mainly to differentiate them from the "European-origin repatriates," also known as "pieds-noirs." Unlike the pieds-noirs, who automatically retained French nationality, the MFR had to undergo a judicial process to acquire it by submitting a request before a judge.
Among the 91,000 Harkis who reached France, around 42,000 opted to reside in transit and resettlement camps. These families, confined to these "reception cities," existed on the fringes of society, inhabiting a space between Algeria and France.
The camps fulfilled two primary objectives: they provided temporary shelter for families awaiting relocation and facilitated the categorization of new repatriates destined for other destinations.
Those living in the camps, situated in isolated areas, faced highly challenging living conditions. For instance, in the Rivesaltes camp, families were compelled to reside in tents during harsh winters. Additionally, the French government implemented a policy of segregating Harki families within these camps. Although the authorities stated that the objective of this policy was to offer socio-economic and healthcare support, its primary intention was to exert control over this population.
The French authorities closely monitored the Harkiâs movements and any visitors they received, as well as their interactions with the local population. They were prohibited from owning cars or televisions, and a curfew was enforced through electricity cuts at 10 p.m. Some camps were equipped with their own infirmaries providing medical services, grocery stores, football fields, and even primary schools. In some cases, children were allowed to leave the camps at around 11 years old to attend middle school. However, the living conditions within the camps remained poor, with communal toilets and showers, barbed wire fences, and watchtowers. Families, consisting of up to 10 people, resided in apartments with only 2-3 rooms.
These families were excluded from wider French society and resided in a condition of absolute reliance on the government, while being constantly monitored. As a result, the French government bears considerable accountability for the development, continuation, and gradual ethnic categorization of the Harki population.
Psychological Repercussions: The Impact on Harkis and their Families
In spite of finding refuge in France, the Harkis experienced a deep sense of shame and inadequacy due to their participation in the conflict against their Algerian relatives and friends. This feeling was intensified by their political and geographical isolation in the designated camps. Consequently, they were unable to openly address or engage in discussions about the events of the war. This early generation of Harkis is commonly known as the Silent Generation.
Due to the difficulty of discussing their experiences, the Silent Generation was unable to pass down their stories to their children, resulting in a growing frustration and anger among the second generation. Inter-generational misunderstandings became increasingly prevalent as the younger generation struggled to comprehend and connect with the struggles and sacrifices of their parents.
Driven by discontent over the collective stigmatisation and discrimination they faced from both the French government and society, the children of the Harki expressed anger through various means, including occasionally resorting to acts of violence. These movements aimed to draw the attention of the French media and included actions such as tire burning, public hunger strikes, and sporadic clashes with law enforcement.
During two pivotal summers in 1975 and 1991, the Harkis staged protests against the issues of neglect, isolation, and objectification that had contributed to the Harkis' socio-economic struggles. The aim of these demonstrations was to raise awareness among the French population that their fellow citizens were being overlooked and marginalised; subject to collective discrimination based not on religious grounds, but on social and economic factors.
Community resilience and reconciliationÂ
In the 21st century, a new generation of Harkis has emerged, characterised not by silence or violence, but by an engaged and articulate community of speakers and writers. This group aims to give a voice to those who have long been silent and overlooked, and to seek social justice for the suffering they have endured. They accomplish this through oral testimonies, written narratives, and cultural expressions in literature and film.
Meanwhile, French governmental policies have brought attention to the Harkis and the treatment they endured at the hands of the French authorities. Jacques Chirac became the first president to demonstrate France's acknowledgement by establishing a National Day of Tribute to the Harkis on September 25th. François Hollande, in turn, recognized the government's responsibility for the Harkisâ plight. In 2021, Emmanuel Macron welcomed representatives of the Harki community at the ĂlysĂŠe Palace to seek forgiveness for the shortcomings of the French Republic. He announced a forthcoming document, to be released before the year's end, aimed at "repairing" the situation.
ConclusionÂ
The Harkis have faced significant obstacles and hardships in their pursuit of recognition, integration, and socio-political inclusion in France. Following Algeria's independence in 1962, many Harkis faced persecution and death in their home country. Upon their arrival in France, they encountered an unsympathetic government and a society largely unaware of their suffering.
Despite ongoing challenges and struggles with integration, there is a glimmer of hope for a future of inclusivity and reconciliation. The tireless efforts of the Harkis and their allies to shed light on their history and experiences have contributed to a greater understanding and awareness within French society. By acknowledging the past and actively working towards justice, France has the potential to address the burdens and experiences endured by the Harkis after the Algerian War, paving the way for a more harmonious society.
Bibliography :
Journal Articles :
- Â Choi, Sung. âThe Muslim Veteran in Postcolonial France: The Politics of the Integration of Harkis After 1962.â French Politics, Culture & Society 29, no. 1 (2011): 24â45. http://www.jstor.org/stable/42843689.
- Claire Eldridge, âWe've never had a voiceâ: memory construction and the children of the harkis (1962â1991), French History, Volume 23, Issue 1, March 2009, Pages 88â107
-Gilbert, Lauren, "Les OubliĂŠs de lâHistoire: Perceptions of Harkis and Community Awareness" (2012). Independent Study Project (ISP) Collection. 1437.
 -Davidson, N. (1998) âNaming la Guerre Sans Nom: Memory, nation and identity in French representations of the Algerian War, 1963-1992â, Paroles gelĂŠes, 16(2). doi:10.5070/pg7162003091.Â
-Savarese, Ăric. ÂŤÂ Pieds-Noirs, harkis, rapatriĂŠs : la politisation des enjeux , PĂ´le Sud, vol. 24, no. 1, 2006, pp. 3-14.
Web Pages :
-RFI - France's President Macron proposes reparation law for Algeria's Harkis : https://www.rfi.fr/en/france/20210920-france-s-macron-proposes-a-reparation-law-for-algeria-s-harki-forcesÂ
-MĂŠtropolitics -Â
-IndiaTimes - The Harkis : âBetrayedâ soldiers from Franceâs Algeria warÂ
-Le Monde - France stalls on compensation for colonial troops who served in Algerian War : https://www.lemonde.fr/en/politics/article/2022/09/21/delicate-question-of-compensation-for-harkis-and-their-children_5997767_5.html
- France 24Â - Guerre dâAlgĂŠrie - Macron annonce un projet de loi de reconnaissance et de rĂŠparation pour les harkis : https://www.france24.com/fr/france/20210920-re%C3%A7us-%C3%A0-l-%C3%A9lys%C3%A9e-les-harkis-attendent-une-loi-de-reconnaissance-de-leur-abandonÂ
-Jeune dâAfrique - Algerie-France : rĂŠparation des harkis la fin dâun silence dâĂŠtat : https://www.jeuneafrique.com/1241723/politique/algerie-france-reparation-des-harkis-la-fin-dun-silence-detat/
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