Reshaping East Timor's Future: Confronting the Impact of Colonial Legacy on Community Growth 🔄🌱🌍
Deep Dive with Esha 💬
In this episode Esha discusses the post conflict region of East Timor. She is a student journalist with us on a placement organised with the Department of War Studies, King's College, London. This article was edited using Lex.page.
Unveiling the Dark Reality: How Colonial Legacy Continues to Undermine East Timor's Community Growth
Setting the scene: Historical legacy
Since its independence in 2002, East Timor or Timor-Leste has undergone a tumultuous journey of post-conflict nation-building.
Since 1702, the territory was initially under the thumb of the Portuguese during their colonial rule. However, following their withdrawal in 1975, East Timor’s brief stint at independence quickly turned sour when Indonesian forces invaded later that was short-lived occupation, roughly 100,000, possibly even 200,000, of a pre-invasion population of about 650,000 were killed.
Timor-Leste soon faced respite in later years when former Indonesian president Suharto was forced to resign due to a deepening financial crisis and widespread street protests. His resignation opened the door for renewed negotiations between Portugal and Indonesia, and to for political solution in the form of a United Nations-supervised referendum on independence. This momentous occasion took place on August 30, 1999, the results saw the majority effectively vote for liberation.
Their joy was short-lived, as an outbreak of bloodshed followed shortly afterwards. An outbreak of bloodshed followed shortly afterwards, causing thousands of Timorese were killed in post-election retributive violence perpetrated by Indonesian-backed militias, causing an estimated 260,000 people to flee to Indonesian-controlled West Timor. Besides the widespread destruction of infrastructure, the withdrawal of Indonesian personnel also produced an institutional vacuum at all levels of government and administration, invoking the collapse of police and judiciary.
Amid the pandemonium, to support their transition, the UN established the Transitional Administration in East Timor (UNTAET) in 1999. Entrusted with preserving the rule of law and order, the UNTAET was supported by legions of peacekeepers, of which 22 countries.
Many prepared for long-term involvement, but the UN's quick withdrawal of peacekeepers in 2005 surprised many. This led to a political crisis in 2006. What began with a domestic military dispute escalated into a large-scale clash between political elites, endangering democratic governance and the state.
The struggle for independence united diverse groups throughout the country. This coalition worked together to promote a democratic Timor-Leste. However, as they approached their goals, these groups splintered before the country’s first elections. The notable factions were Fretilin, a former resistance movement led by Mari Alkatiri, and supporters of Xanana Gusmão who now leads CNRT. Both remain relevant today.
These events and circumstances have shaped East Timor.
East Timor Today: Cause for concern?
Since then, Timor-Leste has consolidated its democracy and is the only country in South-East Asia characterised as ‘free’. Its parliamentary elections are largely devoid of violence and fraud. Civilian rights ‘appear’ to be widely accepted, and there is a reasonably free press.
The country defied expectations of a quick 'tribal' war or economic failure. It secured rights to large offshore oil reserves, facilitating economic growth in East Timor.
The past 20 years have been challenging. Oil reserves have driven economic growth but led to over dependence, depreciating state finances and causing the ‘resource curse’.
Timor-Leste continues to grapple with unresolved issues from its past occupiers: land, language, and development. Language is particularly divisive. Portuguese is an official language of government and the courts, but most Timorese don't speak it.
A geographic divide persists between the eastern and western regions, leading to warring politics, societal differences, and uneven economic development.
East Timor suffers from a systematic disregard for human rights, good governance, and endemic poverty. Escalating gang violence further amplifies this downward spiral. Since February 2007, there has been a renewed surge in violence. Initially, such lawlessness and violence were a result of gang turf battles and clashes with international peacekeepers. Now, the situation has transformed. Gang violence has reached unforeseen levels of coordination. For instance, one officer noted in his report an incident when three melees broke out simultaneously in different areas in Dili. This move was deliberately planned to test the responses and capabilities of the overstretched security forces. Gangs thrive largely because a culture of impunity prevails. Law enforcement is lax, the prosecution is overwhelmed, and the courts barely function. East Timor‘s moribund justice system is drowning under the backlog of cases stemming from the final months of Indonesian rule. As such, they cannot handle the additional workload. Subsequently, gang members are emboldened to act out as they know their imprisonment will be temporary and meaningless.
Some speculate that these groups are funded by Indonesia for destabilization. While some have Indonesian roots, most are led by past independence supporters dissatisfied with the outcome. Many new groups are funded, mobilised, and supplied with weapons by competing factions within East Timor. Urban violence adds to this disturbing
portrait.
Another factor that serves to derail this fragile democracy would be the government itself. Occupied predominantly by the ‘Generation of ‘75’, these groups of individuals were vital in leading the decolonisation movement against Portugal and Indonesia. While instrumental to the country’s stability, their personality conflicts have hindered institution-building and the ascension of the next generation of leaders. Over the years, a growing exasperation amongst the population has surfaced. Many feel betrayed by continuous reports of corruption and cronyism. However, the 2023 elections saw a hopeful turn in the tide. The CNRT won more seats in the National Parliament, which placed leader Xanana Gusmão in a strong position to form a governing coalition. His pledges to combat massive poverty, employment and corruption proved favorable amongst the Timorese people, but the question remains as to how he will subvert the issue of economic reliance on dwindling oil and gas reserves.
Nevertheless, despite the promise of succeeding governments, the failure to match reality to post-independence expectations have not been met, disappointing both locally and national level.
Watching from the sidelines: The International Community
The UN’s record in Timor-Leste was widely hailed as a success, at least within UN circles. However, others believed this proclamation was premature and erroneous.
Finn Reske-Nielsen, who served as Acting Senior Representative of the Secretary-General for the UN mission in East Timor, spoke of a collective naiveté.
about the difficulties of nation-building and excessive confidence in progress made when the UN oversight.
“The fundamental problem was that everyone underestimated the time required to guide post-conflict Timor to a stable and firm footing. We were way too optimistic in 2002.”
He acknowledged that Timor-Leste did not get the sustained assistance it needed for post-conflict reconstruction, with similar crises unfolding in Haiti, Sudan and Lebanon.
In other instances, various international groups, including the EU, were also criticised for their project management in East Timor. They did not involve the local population enough nor did they communicate the proposed benefits to them.
Non-state justice community leaders play an integral role in Timorese society. They enjoy legal authority rooted in local customs predating even Portuguese rule, and have been indispensable to strengthening the reach and local legitimacy of the state. Neglecting to collaborate with them proved to be the first pitfall.
Hence, the level of incompetence and poor management angered many Timorese who once had high regard for these esteemed international bodies in the job of nation-building.
Impact on Post-Conflict Rebuilding:
Regardless, Timor-Leste’s progress in a short space of time is indisputable.
Still reeling from the wounds of their past, East Timorese citizens are making strides to counter their collective trauma. For example, there was a Public Peace Art Initiative started by the NGO ‘HWPL’. This project sought not only to instill inhabitants with peace but also to foster social cohesion and urban beautification. Such exhibitions have been received in good faith, with many more planned for the near future indicating the willingness of the community to partake in such confidence-building measures.
This country is also seeking to ensure that growth continues to translate into lasting and inclusive development. With one of the youngest and fastest-growing populations in the world, they have focused on expanding opportunities for young people. The IDA-financed Youth Development Project is working with the government to promote youth empowerment and participation in community and local development initiatives. Over 277 projects have been completed, including the rehabilitation of youth centers, development of sporting fields and community infrastructure. Such efforts have sparked optimism for the new generation, entrusting them with the belief that they will lead the country onwards.
However, looking at the country's economic and social structure, Timor-Leste runs the risk of losing what they rebuilt thus far.
Timor-Leste is faced with the dire prospect of a budgetary catastrophe. According to current projections, it will occur between the late-2020s and mid-2030s because that’s when the state’s Petroleum Fund is estimated to run dry. This is referring to the sovereign wealth fund from which more than 90% of government revenue is derived. If nothing is done to change this trajectory, Timor-Leste will eventually see its state coffers completely depleted.
Moreover, violence and conflict continue to haunt the Timorese people. Armed civilian groups continue to operate, tensions between and within the armed services persist, and old differences between former resistance leaders have not abated.
These elements create a combustible mix of circumstances that will plague the country for the next decade.
The Bottom Line: Concluding Remarks
East Timor has overcome its 'failed state' label despite its colonial past and displacement of half the population. However, Timor-Leste's case shows that post-conflict nation-building has no quick fixes. Mismanagement of state resources and global neglect have put it on a perilous path, but it's not irreversible. The current leadership shows promise, but their efforts have limits. This article calls for action to aid East Timor through foreign aid, media attention, or democratic stabilisation. We should empower Timor-Leste's people to rise above the chaos and lawlessness, despite the bleak prospects.
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