Rashed is a member of the War Studies Department at King’s College, London. He wrote this piece as part of his internship with Arts4Refugees. His motivation was to help his peer group understand the unique experiences of post-conflict communities. This article was edited by Cassia Jefferson, a fellow student journalist from Oxford University.
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Lebanon without Lebanese - The impact of Lebanon’s Sectarian and Confessional Political System on its Citizens
Background
In the heart of the Middle East lies Lebanon, a country renowned for its breath-taking beauty. However, behind this picturesque facade, Lebanon grapples with deep-rooted issues of corruption, economic turmoil, and insecurity. The nation has been without a president for nearly two years, as it has failed to reach a consensus on a suitable leader to guide the country forward.
Why has this happened? The development of the Lebanese political system
The Lebanese political system is commonly categorised as sectarian. In 1843, the division of Mount Lebanon, prior to its independence from France, into Maronite and Druze districts set the stage for the confessional system (one where politics and religion are inextricably linked) that exists today. In a significant development, the French Mandate successfully assimilated various regions, culminating in the formation of a nation that encompasses diverse religious communities operating within a feudal framework. This intricate system is characterised by the presence of influential feudal leaders who represent each religious community.
In a bid to uphold a delicate equilibrium of power among diverse factions, the French authorities introduced the confessional system. This entailed the distribution of governmental positions, parliamentary seats, and administrative posts based on sectarian affiliation. In 1943, Lebanon declared its independence, marking a significant turning point in its history. However, this momentous event was just the beginning of a series of transformative measures that would shape the nation's political landscape. One such measure was the National Pact Agreement, which emerged as a crucial milestone in Lebanon's journey towards establishing a confessional representation system and institutionalising this unique system within the country.
The civil war and the Taif agreement:
Civil War
During the tumultuous years between 1975 and 1990, Lebanon was plunged into a harrowing civil war that ravaged every corner of its society, leaving no major familial, regional, or communal sector untouched. In a complex web of regional dynamics, the country found itself entangled with its close neighbours - the Palestinians, Israel, and Syria - along with various other influential players in the Middle East and beyond. These external forces frequently engaged with domestic actors, further complicating the ongoing conflict within Lebanon. In light of official statistics, the war claimed the lives of 144,240 individuals, leaving 197,506 wounded and 17,415 unaccounted for. Furthermore, a staggering number of individuals, amounting to hundreds of thousands, found themselves uprooted from their homes, while one-third of the population made the difficult decision to seek a new life elsewhere.
A Path to Peace
The conflict in Lebanon came to an end in October 1990. Crucially, this opened the doors for the much-needed reconstruction of the state and its institutions. The termination of the conflict was a direct result of the implementation of the Taif agreement, a carefully crafted compromise that had been reached in 1989 among the major sectors of the country. In accordance with the Taif agreement, a significant development took place in Lebanon- the establishment of a more equitable power dynamic among the nation's top three officials. These esteemed positions include the President, who represents the Maronite community, the Prime Minister, who represents the Sunni community, and the Speaker of Parliament, who represents the Shi'i community.
The war on the ground ended with the signing of the Taif Agreement. However, while it is true the war has been concluded, the conflict has not truly reached its resolution. A new era of political conflict and influence struggle has emerged.
Failure of the state:
Lebanon's state failure has become increasingly apparent, particularly in the aftermath of the civil war and the subsequent implementation of the Taif Agreement. While this agreement was integral to the peace agreement, it lacked national dialogue sessions and genuine reconciliation. This has only served to solidify the sectarian system, hindering any progress towards a unified nation that embraces individuals of all religious and sectarian backgrounds.
Sectarian divisions in Lebanon
In a country boasting a diverse religious landscape, there are currently 18 officially recognised sects, primarily falling under the umbrella of two major clusters: Muslims and Christians. Sects in Lebanese society serve a crucial role as the primary social organisation responsible for upholding political security. In the realm of religious diversity, three prominent sects stand out: Maronite Christians, Sunni Muslims, and Shiite Muslims. The Maronites hold the distinction of being the largest among the various Christian groups. Throughout generations, they have been closely linked with the Roman Catholic Church, despite maintaining their distinct customs and having their own church leader, known as the patriarch. Sunni Muslims, widely regarded as the predominant Muslim group globally, hold a prominent position within the Islamic faith. In Muslim and Arab countries, with the exception of Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and Bahrain, they make up the majority of the population. In Iraq, Iran, and Bahrain, Shiite Muslims hold the majority, while in Lebanon, they form a significant minority.
Social Welfare as a Political Weapon
Plural societies have emerged as a prominent feature of Lebanon. In these societies, composed in the realm of political discourse, social welfare has emerged as a battleground, especially in cases where governments fall short of delivering fundamental public goods and social services. In Lebanon, the utilisation of service provision as a tool for garnering support is a common strategy employed by ethnic or religious organisations. Consequently, welfare programmes have become an indispensable element within the realm of ethnic and sectarian politics. In the realm of public goods provision, it has been widely acknowledged that homogeneous communities tend to excel. Indeed, ethnic or religious groups often exhibit a preference for distributing social benefits to members within their own group.
The Lebanese government's shortcomings extend beyond its failure to deliver essential social services to its citizens. It has also fallen short in safeguarding their economic rights and ensuring a fair distribution of resources. Sectarian parties have taken matters into their own hands, stepping in to distribute benefits and financial aid to citizens in the wake of the Lebanese government's failure. These parties have been making their presence felt across all regions of Lebanon. This is particularly felt during election periods, as they strive to amass a substantial following through offering vital support in a bid to exert control over the political landscape.
Numerous instances have shed light on the government’s failure to support its people and the populace’s subsequent reliance on sectarian parties to address their pressing concerns. In her ongoing quest to secure employment for her son, a determined Sunni woman has encountered numerous obstacles. Undeterred, she now finds herself eagerly anticipating the upcoming elections, hoping that candidates hailing from her own sect will pay her community a visit. She must first ensure the acquisition of a job for her son. This is a crucial step that can only be taken during the upcoming elections- she asserts all the Muslim candidates offering her support will disappear immediately after the election. In another case, a Christian woman said that she sought social assistance from the Hezbollah centre in southern Beirut, only to be met with a disappointing response. According to her account, the party allegedly refused to extend any aid, citing their lack of interest and absence of operations in her area, which happens to fall within the sphere of Christian influence. Sectarian parties are liable to neglect those who fall outside the realm of their own religious or social identity.
Conclusion:
In the sweeping narrative of Lebanon's history, a recurrent theme emerges: the pursuit of equilibrium in a nation which is rich in diversity yet frequently caught in the crosshairs of political strife and sectarian divides. The tales of individual Lebanese citizens, struggling amid governmental negligence, economic adversities, and ever-present sectarian tensions, underscore the profoundly human cost of Lebanon's intricate socio-political landscape.
While Lebanon's identity is often anchored in its sectarian system, the humanitarian consequences of this structure are equally undeniable. The ordinary Lebanese citizen grapples daily with the tangible manifestations of governmental apathy, often turning to sectarian parties out of necessity rather than ideological conviction. Such parties, though potentially effective in addressing immediate needs, often perpetuate sectarian divides and can unintentionally sideline those who don't align with their core demographic. The stories of the Sunni woman seeking employment opportunities for her son and the Christian woman turned away from assistance encapsulate the vulnerabilities inherent in a system where communal identity frequently takes precedence over universal citizenship and humanitarian needs.
In a nation where sectarianism plays such a dominant role, the need for a robust, impartial, and humanitarian-driven governance is paramount. For Lebanon to transcend its current challenges and emerge as a harmonious, inclusive, and progressive society, it is essential to acknowledge and address the human suffering that is often eclipsed by political narratives. Only by prioritising its citizens’ humanitarian concerns can Lebanon hope to reconcile its rich mosaic of cultures, faiths, and identities. Through doing this, the nation could craft a future where every Lebanese, regardless of their sectarian affiliation, can live with dignity, hope, and purpose.
References:
Barak, O. (2007). “Don't Mention the War?” The Politics of Remembrance and Forgetfulness in Postwar Lebanon. The Middle East Journal, 61(1), 49-70.
Salibi, K. S. (1965). The modern history of Lebanon.
Crow, R. E. (1962). Religious sectarianism in the Lebanese political system. The Journal of Politics, 24(3), 489-520.
Makdisi, U. (2000). The culture of sectarianism: community, history, and violence in nineteenth-century Ottoman Lebanon. Univ of California Press.
Hudson, M. C. (1969). Democracy and Social Mobilization in Lebanese Politics. Comparative Politics, 1(2), 245–263. https://doi.org/10.2307/421387
Middle East Monitor. (2023, June 19). Lebanon is without a president or government. Middle East Monitor. https://www.middleeastmonitor.com/20230619-lebanon-is-without-a-president-or-government/
Faour, M. A. (2007). Religion, demography, and politics in Lebanon. Middle Eastern Studies, 43(6), 909-921.
Cammett, M., & Issar, S. (2010). Bricks and mortar clientelism: sectarianism and the logics of welfare allocation in Lebanon. World Politics, 62(3), 381-421.
Salti, N., & Chaaban, J. (2010). The role of sectarianism in the allocation of public expenditure in postwar Lebanon. International Journal of Middle East Studies, 42(4), 637-655.
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