Multivalent Veils in Post-Conflict Iran
The Islamic Revolution of 1979 and Khomeiniâs establishment as Supreme Leader in 1980 led to Iranâs transition from democracy to theocracy. A key motif within Iran's media is the veil, or hijab. The veil's portrayal in the Global North is linked to politics: terror attacks in New York, London and Paris, Shamima Begumâs asylum appeal, and Mahsa Aminiâs death at the hands of the Gasht-e-Ershad (morality police). Western media sees the veil as a threat to feminism and oppression. But for women in post-conflict Iran, the government has exploited the veil to deny their autonomy.
History of the veil
The veil, now associated with Islam, had a secular origin. In the Persian Empire, the pre-Islamic veil was a status symbol for upper-class and royal women who led secluded lives. They wore veils in public to prevent commoners from seeing their faces. At that time, the veil was a symbol to be envied. Early Muslims adopted the practice of veiling, influenced by the cultures they conquered, and the veil took on religious significance (Zahedi: 252).
Under Reza Shah Pahlavi, the veil was seen as a barrier to modernity, so he enforced unveiling, ordering theatre, restaurant, and hotel owners to deny entry to veiled women (Zahedi: 255). Contrary to post-conflict associations of enforced veiling and girls being barred from education, Reza Shah Pahlavi forbade teachers from wearing the veil, causing many parents to stop sending their daughters to school. Enforced unveiling ended in 1941 when Reza Shah Pahlavi was forced out of power by the Allied powers accusing him of favoring Nazi Germany.
Attaching religious significance to the veil: Hijab in the Qurâan
Oli Mohammadi has traced the origins of hijab from references in the Qurâan. English approximations of hijab translate hijab as âveilâ but it is a more âexhaustive and complicated Arabic wordâ (Mohammadi: 2), appearing in five verses of the Qurâan (Qurâan 7:46; Qurâan 19:16-17; Qurâan 33:53; Qurâan 41:5; Qurâan 42:51). Direct translations include barrier, seclusion, curtain or divider.
Different Islamic sects have individual interpretations of the Qurâan, the spirit of hijab endorses modesty. Mohammadi notes that the verses where hijab appears do not address the clothing of Muslim women (Mohammadi: 2). Salient examples of womenâs clothing in the Qurâan are âkhimarâ (Qurâan 24:31), referring to headscarves, and âjilbabâ (Qurâan 33:59), referring to outer garments and clothing. When the passages mentioning hijab and those discussing womenâs clothing are taken together, veiling is enacted as a practice of the faith. Mohammadi concludes that âthe Islamic practice of covering derives its power from the fusion of the Qurâanâs call to being decent and modest read alongside the verses mentioning khimar and jilbabâ (Mohammadi: 2).
Modern motivations: Economic and political aspects of hijab
The symbolism of veiling gained new meaning during the Iran-Iraq war when women noticed the correlation between heavy Iranian casualties and losses of territory and the increase in brutality of the komiteh in enforcing veiling. âThese crackdowns seemed to be a cynical use of women and their attire to divert attention inward and away from the horrors of the frontâ (Shirazi-Mahajan: 61). The veil was exploited to control the national psyche.
From 1997-2005, during President Mohammadi Khatami's rule, Iran saw a rise in cosmetic consumption, stylised Islamic clothing like colorful and patterned rusari, plastic surgery, and nose jobs as hijab enforcement relaxed. However, under President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, there was increased pressure on women to wear dark ârusariâ covering their hair entirely. Merchants drove this change by importing cheaper black chadri fabric from Korea and Japan.
Fear enforced hijab and influenced outsider perspectives. Violating the modesty code in Iran can result in 74 lashes or two yearsâ imprisonment. Stories of women being sprayed with acid or stuck in bags of cockroaches for showing a strand of hair circulated after the revolution (Mohammadi: 8). âZealous Zaynab commando units wiped off womenâs lipstick with a razor blade hidden in a handkerchiefâ (Shirazi: 112). Mohammadi records a womanâs account of having her shoes confiscated by the komiteh because her bangs showed from under her ârusariâ and how she had to run home barefoot - taboo in Iran.
Autonomy and veiling
In 2020, Yaghoob Foroutan conducted a demographic study that found the median age of Iranian citizens is 30 (Foroutan: 739), compared to 40.7 for British citizens is 40.7 (Statista). Foroutan asked 4267 people over 15, in rural and urban areas of Iran about their attitude towards veiling. The results show that about two-thirds believe that women should decide whether to wear hijab (Foroutan: 741). More than half of the oldest cohort (aged 55 and over) disagree with women choosing, whereas three-quarters of the youngest cohort (aged 15â24) agree (Foroutan: 742). Foroutanâs research suggests that hijab enforcement conflicts with the beliefs of the majority of Iranâs citizens and Iranian women (approximately 74% of those asked). Compliance as defiance.
Mohammadiâs conversations with Iranian women about the hijab detail how they defy the regime as compliance. Maryam told Mohammadi that by wearing a black chador and covering her hair with her rusari, she undermines Gasht-e-Ershad and the government. By not giving them a reason to punish her, Maryam sees herself as stripping the government of power. âFor Maryam, power is not the ability to inflict punishment; power is the actual inflicting of punishment. By abiding by the rules and regulations, she thwarts the policemenâs capacity for fulfillmentâ (Mohammadi: 15). The symbolism of the veil becomes more complex viewed through this lens; a covering the government makes mandatory, to prove womenâs modesty and âprotectâ them from abuse, enforced through abuse, actually protects Maryam because by wearing it she evades the authorities' violence.
For Mitra, wearing a dark veil is a method of protection against the governmentâs attempts to divert attention from other aspects. Mitra tells Mohammadi âmaybe for some people the colorful hijab is a political statement but if you ask insiders mostly everyone is boredâ, âhijab is the symptom of larger problems. Instead of concerning myself with distractions I do exactly what they say, to show the powers to be I am aware of the ridiculousness, the ludicrousness of our governmentâ (Mohammadi: 19). Mitraâs words echo the awareness during the Iran-Iraq war that the veil was made into a political tool. After speaking to Maryam and Mitra, Mohammadi concludes that âapproaching Iranian women as oppressed or fundamentalist or revolutionaryâby being focused on how hijab is practicedâsimply propagates the Iranian governmentâs political agenda to control womenâs bodiesâ (Mohammadi: 220).
A symbol of oppression
Mahsa Aminiâs death in police custody was attributed by a UN fact-finding mission to physical violence, sparking anger amongst Iranian women. They demonstrated bravery by going out without a headscarf, despite cameras set up to detect them. The Gasht-e-Ershad used âdisproportionate lethal forceâ against protesters and committed âunlawful and extrajudicial killingsâ (BBC 8 March 2024). The first vote since Aminiâs death saw a record low turnout of 41% to Iranian elections, though many believe it to be lower (BBC 4 March 2024). The silent majority declined to vote in protest against the government, undermining its legitimacy and influence. Similarly to Maryam and Mitra, defiance masquerades as silence and compliance.
In post-conflict Iran, the hijab is used to control womenâs autonomy. Iranian women navigate the regime aware of the veiling history and governmentâs manipulation.
In this episode Issy discusses the issues of the Veil in the post conflict country of Iran. She is a student journalist with us on a placement organised by the Oxford University Career Services. This article was edited using Lex.page. Image with Napkin.Ai
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